Few periods in French history saw as many transformations in power, politics and society as the long nineteenth century, which lasted from after the revolutionary period until 1914. This "long century" saw no fewer than six regime changes, their transitions marked by revolutions, rebellions, and political unrest. As these shifts took place, the debate over the social, political, legal and economic place of women in French society evolved, questioning the civic and civil rights of women. At the same time, questions surrounding workers’ rights and the rights of colonized peoples were beginning to gain national attention in France. Mass migration from rural villages to urban centers, and the dramatic shift towards factory production, triggered a resounding change in the composition of society. A new class of urban workers emerged. All this social transformation was set against the backdrop of the steam-powered transition to modernity. Spurred on by increasing literacy rates for women and girls from a wide diversity of classes, the popular media boom of the nineteenth century amplified the voices of women's rights advocates. Women’s magazines and journals, known as the presse féminine, sprung up over the course of the century, with Marguerite Durand’s La Fronde in the forefront. All of these transformations—political, economic, and social—paved the way for a coherent movement for women’s rights to emerge in France in the nineteenth century on a public scale. This movement culminated with the battles over women's suffrage at the start of the First World War.
After the brief attempt at reconstructing women’s legal rights in the period following the 1789 Revolution, during which single adult women were granted full property rights, Napoleon’s 1804 Civil Code gave men legal authority over their wives and children and established married women as legal minors. This relationship was enshrined in law in Article 213 of the 1804 Code: “Le mari doit protection à sa femme, la femme obeissance à son mari”: “The husband owes protection to his wife, the wife obedience to her husband.” Divorce remained legal until 1816, from which point it would remain illegal until 1884. This would be the first in a long series of changes throughout the nineteenth century in law and political reform which shaped the boundaries of women’s participation in public society. Until the installation of the Third Republic in 1870, both the Catholic Bourbon Restoration (1815-1830) and Napoleon III’s Second Empire (1852-1870) resulted in a slow and non-linear pace of change.
The revolutions and rebellions which punctuated the regime changes of the nineteenth century offered women revolutionaries an opportunity to physically protest and make their voices heard. The July Monarchy (1830-1848) installed the liberal Louis-Phillippe and overthrew Charles X. This period favored the wealthy bourgeoisie and while Louis-Phillippe rejected much of the pomp of the Bourbon tradition, as the years went by more unrest ensued. In the Revolution of 1848, women participated in protests and advocated for women’s and worker’s rights in L’Union ouvrière (founded in 1844 by Flora Tristan) and La Femme libre (founded in 1834 by Marie-Reine Guindorf and which later became known as the Tribune des femmes). Les Voix des femmes, founded by Eugénie Niboyet, which published 45 issues in 1848 as the first daily feminist newspaper is considered to be the first overtly feminist publication of the time. The majority of these women had been Saint Simonian, and their proto-feminist philosophy was deeply influenced by socialism. The Second Republic lasted from 1848-1852. In 1852 then President Charles Louis Napoléon Bonaparte had himself declared Emperor Napoléon III of the Second Empire which lasted from 1852-1870. This mid-century feminism focused on the moralizing influence of women in the public sphere rather than towards voting rights or political equality.
The French were ill prepared for war with Prussia in 1870, and were swiftly defeated. Napoléon III was captured and abdicated the same day and France's Third Republic was proclaimed in Paris. Partially as a result of the humiliating terms for peace including the loss of Alsace and Lorraine to Germany, there was a revolt known as the Paris Commune during which much blood was spilt between the radical communards and the official French Government operating from Versailles. Scholar of the Paris Commune, Carolyn Eichner calls attention to the multiplicities of feminism that existed at this time. In her books Surmounting the Barricades: Women in the Paris Commune and Feminism's Empire, Eichner discusses how various feminists of the mid to late 19th century had both conflicting and intersecting views External. While all feminists were opposed to Imperialism for example, not every feminist self-identified as such. She argues that there is no binary between Imperialists versus Anti-Imperialists. Furthermore, as each woman is a product of her time and her experiences, they must be viewed with the nuance that this demands. In any case, the women of the Paris Commune achieved at the time a rather mythical and fear-invoking status among the right wing and in the bourgeois psyche. In particular the "crazed anarchist women", pétroleuses (who were alleged to have started the fires by throwing petrol bombs) left a lasting impression of Paris and the violent "red suburbs." This would eventually serve as justification for a reactionary government moving forward.
From the middle of the century, the extension of education to girls, first by La Loi Falloux in 1850 and then by Les Lois Ferry in 1881, increased literacy rates for the growing French population and created new generations of female readers and writers. Moreover, the proliferation of printed materials such as magazines, pamphlets and journals created forward momentum for a discussion of women’s civil and civic rights in real terms (See French Women's Press). It was during this period that the term féminisme came to be widely used to describe the fight for full citizenship and voting rights for women (See Le Petit Journal 1908, L’action féministe). La Fronde, the first French journal to be run entirely by women, was started in 1897 by Marguerite Durand with an initial print run of 200,000 copies. Similar magazines and pamphlets began to emerge in the last decades of the nineteenth century which placed women firmly at the center of the debate about women’s rights—La Francaise and Le Journal des femmes were among this proliferation of printed media, now more accessible than ever to a growing reading public. Though primarily led by educated, urban, and predominantly Parisian individuals, feminist political associations sprung up and were essential to sustained feminist action from the beginning of the Third Republic. Léon Richer’s Ligue française pour le droit des femmes organized the first Congrès international du droit des femmes in 1878. Hubertine Auclert’s militant Société le droit des femmes, founded in 1876, and later known as Société le suffrage des femmes, advocated for women’s voting rights through civil disobedience. Both influenced public thought and paved the way for legal changes in the twentieth century.
Closely watching the suffrage movement unfold in Great Britain and the United States, some French feminists of the late nineteenth century began advocating for voting rights. The early women’s rights movement was splintered between more radical feminists demanding civil equality such as voting rights, and republican feminists who urged a slower civic equality based on societal change in an effort to preserve the stability of the republic. These patterns of debate were reflected in the feminine and feminist press, as well as by the wider popular media of the era. Moving into the twentieth century — although women would not gain the right to vote for nearly fifty years — women’s rights and suffrage were increasingly being included in wider-reaching media.
Aside from the political front, women were pushing boundaries on the cultural and social front. The world of sports for example, was now beginning to attract women. The proliferation of the bicycle in France as well as the popularity of the automobile were important for women symbolically as well as practically. The independence of biking around, not to mention driving, was synonymous with liberation for many women. Advertisements or illustrations on the covers of women's magazines often included women on bicycles or driving cars. Some women became actively involved in sports as well, such as tennis, or in the case of Mme Camille du Gast — automobile racing. This, along with the more modern dress and the shorter hair, all gave way to an alternative to the feminine ideal of the past as the modern woman was coming into existence. As scholar Rachel Mesch discusses in Having it All in the Belle Époque, these femmes moderne were now making themselves visible to society at large. Famed writer Marcel Proust's heroine Albertine in A la Recherche du Temps Perdu was an avid cyclist who with her inhibition seemed to deny all of the delicate mannerism of the "times past." There was plenty of anxiety about these changes in dress, attitude and appearance. The culottes (a type of pants that made cycling easier) caused such a stir that authorities issued a directive in 1892 that stated these garments could only be worn for the act of cycling. Distress over the independence that cycling permitted had undertones of concern over the potential for sexual indiscretion and even the potential for sexual pleasure from riding the bicycle itself. Surprisingly even such independent women as actress Sarah Bernhardt predicted that the liberties of women riding around would ultimately cause the domestic sphere to be neglected. The coming World Wars would amplify these tension. As men left to fight in the army, women stepped into their roles and proved that their capabilities extended far beyond wife and mother. Despite the turmoil at the start of the Third Republic, it lasted until 1940. During this time France experienced relative economic stability and a great cultural blossoming in the arts and sciences. It is within the context of these nonlinear social and political changes that we must situate any approach to discussing the history of French women and the early feminist movement in France.
Complete digitized collections of French women's press are available for both Presse féminine External and Presse féministe External from Gallica.
For further historical context see Cambridge Illustrated History of France by Colin Jones.
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The following titles link to fuller bibliographic information in the Library of Congress Online Catalog. Links to additional online content are included when available.
The following titles link to fuller bibliographic information in the Library of Congress Online Catalog. Links to additional online content are included when available.
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