In The Black Republic, Brandon R. Byrd explores the ambivalent attitudes that African American leaders in the post-Civil War era held toward Haiti, the first and only black republic in the Western Hemisphere. Following emancipation, African American leaders of all kinds--politicians, journalists, ministers, writers, educators, artists, and diplomats--identified new and urgent connections with Haiti, a nation long understood as an example of black self-determination. They celebrated its diplomatic recognition by the United States and the renewed relevance of the Haitian Revolution. While a number of African American leaders defended the sovereignty of a black republic whose fate they saw as intertwined with their own, others expressed concern over Haiti's fitness as a model black republic, scrutinizing whether the nation truly reflected the "civilized" progress of the black race. Influenced by the imperialist rhetoric of their day, many African Americans across the political spectrum espoused a politics of racial uplift, taking responsibility for the "improvement" of Haitian education, politics, culture, and society. They considered Haiti an uncertain experiment in black self-governance: it might succeed and vindicate the capabilities of African Americans demanding their own right to self-determination, or it might fail and condemn the black diasporic population to second-class status for the foreseeable future. When the United States military occupied Haiti in 1915, it created a crisis for W. E. B. Du Bois and other black activists and intellectuals who had long grappled with the meaning of Haitian independence. The resulting demand for an idea of a liberated Haiti became a cornerstone of the anticapitalist, anticolonial, and antiracist radical black internationalism that flourished between World War I and World War II. Spanning the Reconstruction, post-Reconstruction, and Jim Crow eras, The Black Republic recovers a crucial and overlooked chapter of African American internationalism and political thought.

Between Two Worlds: Jean Price-Mars, Haiti, and Africa is a special volume on Jean Price-Mars that reassesses the importance of his thought and legacy and the implications of his ideas in the twenty-first century's culture of political correctness, the continuing challenge of race and racism, and imperial hegemony in the modern world. Price-Mars's thought is also significant for the renewed scholarly interests in Haiti and Haitian Studies in North America and the meaning of contemporary Africa in the world today. This volume explores various dimensions in Price-Mars' thought and his role as historian, anthropologist, cultural critic, public intellectual, religious scholar, pan-Africanist, and humanist. The goal of this book is fourfold: it explores the contributions of Jean Price-Mars to Haitian history and culture, it studies Price-Mars' engagement with Western history and the problem of the "racist narrative," it interprets Price-Mars' connections with Black Internationalism, Harlem Renaissance, and the Negritude Movement, and finally, the book underscores Price-Mars' contributions to postcolonialism, religious studies, Africana Studies, and Pan-Africanism.

Picking up where most historians conclude, Chelsea Stieber explores the critical internal challenge to Haiti's post-independence sovereignty: a civil war between monarchy and republic. War of words and pens transpired, waged in newspapers and periodicals, in literature, broadsheets, and fliers. In her analysis of Haitian writing that followed independence, Stieber composes a new literary history of Haiti that challenges our interpretations of both freedom struggles and the postcolonial. By examining internal dissent during the revolution, Stieber reveals that the very concept of freedom was itself hotly contested in the public sphere, and it was this inherent tension that became the central battleground for the Guerre de plume--the paper war--that vied to shape public sentiment and the very idea of Haiti. Stieber's reading of post-independence Haitian writing reveals vital insights into the nature of literature, its relation to freedom and politics, and how fraught and politically loaded the concepts of "literature" and "civilization" really are. The competing ideas of liberté, writing, and civilization at work within postcolonial Haiti have consequences for the way we think about Haiti's role--as an idea and a discursive interlocutor--in the elaboration of black radicalism and black Atlantic, anticolonial, and decolonial thought. In so doing, Stieber reorders our previously homogeneous view of Haiti, teasing out warring conceptions of the new nation that continued to play out deep into the twentieth century.

The Haitian Revolution, the product of the first successful slave revolt, was truly world-historic in its impact. When Haiti declared independence in 1804, the leading powers--France, Great Britain, and Spain--suffered an ignominious defeat, and the New World was remade. The island revolution also had a profound impact on Haiti's mainland neighbor, the United States. Inspiring the enslaved and partisans of emancipation while striking terror throughout the Southern slaveocracy propelled the fledgling nation one step closer to civil war. Gerald Horne's path-breaking new work explores the complex and often fraught relationship between the United States and the island of Hispaniola. Giving particular attention to the responses of African Americans, Horne surveys the reaction in the United States to the revolutionary process in the nation that became Haiti, the splitting of the island in 1844, which led to the formation of the Dominican Republic, and the failed attempt by the United States to annex both in the 1870s. Drawing upon a rich collection of archival and other primary source materials, Horne deftly weaves together a disparate array of voices--world leaders and diplomats, slaveholders, white abolitionists, and the freedom fighters he terms Black Jacobins. Horne at once illuminates the tangled conflicts of the colonial powers, the commercial interests and imperial ambitions of U.S. elites, and the brutality and tenacity of the American slaveholding class, while never losing sight of the freedom struggles of Africans both on the island and on the mainland, which sought the fulfillment of the emancipatory promise of 18th-century republicanism.

Mainstream news coverage of the catastrophic earthquake of January 12, 2010, reproduced longstanding narratives of Haiti and stereotypes of Haitians. Cognizant that this Haiti, as it exists in the public sphere, is a rhetorically and graphically incarcerated one, the anthropologist and performance artist Gina Athena Ulysse embarked on a writing spree that lasted over two years. As an ethnographer and a member of the diaspora, Ulysse delivers critical cultural analysis of geopolitics and daily life in a series of dispatches, op-eds and articles on post-quake Haiti. Her complex yet singular aim is to make sense of how the nation and its subjects continue to negotiate sovereignty and being in a world where, according to a Haitian Creole saying, tout moun se moun, men tout moun pa menm (All people are human, but all humans are not the same). This collection contains thirty pieces, most of which were previously published in and on Haitian Times, Huffington Post, Ms Magazine, Ms Blog, NACLA, and other print and online venues. The book is trilingual (English, Kreyòl, and French) and includes a foreword by award-winning author and historian Robin D.G. Kelley.

In this sweeping history, leading Haitian intellectual Jean Casimir argues that the story of Haiti should not begin with the usual image of Saint-Domingue as the richest colony of the eighteenth century. Rather, it begins with a reconstruction of how individuals from Africa, amid the golden age of imperialism, created a sovereign society based on political imagination and a radical rejection of the colonial order, persisting even through the U.S. occupation in 1915. The Haitians also critically retheorize the very nature of slavery, colonialism, and sovereignty. Here, Casimir centers the perspectives of Haiti's moun andeyo--the largely African-descended rural peasantry. Asking how these systematically marginalized and silenced people survived in the face of almost complete political disenfranchisement, Casimir identifies what he calls a counter-plantation system. Derived from Caribbean political and cultural practices, the counter-plantation encompassed consistent reliance on small-scale landholding. Casimir shows how lakou, small plots of land often inhabited by generations of the same family, were and continue to be sites of resistance even in the face of structural disadvantages originating in colonial times, some of which continue to be maintained by the Haitian government with support from outside powers.

While Haiti established the second independent nation in the Western Hemisphere and was the first black country to gain independence from European colonizers, its history is not well known in the Anglophone world. The Haiti Reader introduces readers to Haiti's dynamic history and culture from the viewpoint of Haitians from all walks of life. Its dozens of selections--most of which appear here in English for the first time--are representative of Haiti's scholarly, literary, religious, visual, musical, and political cultures, and range from poems, novels, and political tracts to essays, legislation, songs, and folk tales. Spanning the centuries between precontact indigenous Haiti and the aftermath of the 2010 earthquake, the Reader covers widely known episodes in Haiti's history, such as the U.S. military occupation and the Duvalier dictatorship, as well as overlooked periods such as the decades immediately following Haiti's "second independence" in 1934. Whether examining issues of political upheaval, the environment, or modernization, The Haiti Reader provides an unparalleled look at Haiti's history, culture, and politics.

With the exception of slave narratives, there are few stories of black international migration in U.S. news and popular culture. This book is interested in stratified immigrant experiences, diverse black experiences, and the intersection of black and immigrant identities. Citizenship, as it is commonly understood today in the public sphere, is a legal issue. Yet, scholars have done much to move beyond this popular view and situate citizenship in the context of economic, social, and political positioning. The book shows that citizenship in all of its forms is often rhetorically, representationally, and legally negated by blackness and considers the ways that blackness, and representations of blackness, impact one's ability to travel across national and social borders and become a citizen. This book is a story of citizenship and how race, gender, and class shape national belonging, with Haiti, Cuba, and the United States as the primary sites of examination.

Focusing on the influential life and works of the Haitian political writer and statesman, Baron de Vastey (1781-1820), in this book Marlene L. Daut examines the legacy of Vastey's extensive writings as a form of what she calls black Atlantic humanism, a discourse devoted to attacking the enlightenment foundations of colonialism. Daut argues that Vastey, the most important secretary of Haiti's King Henry Christophe, was a pioneer in a tradition of deconstructing colonial racism and colonial slavery that is much more closely associated with twentieth-century writers like W.E.B. Du Bois, Frantz Fanon, and Aimé Césaire. By expertly forging exciting new historical and theoretical connections among Vastey and these later twentieth-century writers, as well as eighteenth- and nineteenth-century black Atlantic authors, such as Phillis Wheatley, Olaudah Equiano, William Wells Brown, and Harriet Jacobs, Daut proves that any understanding of the genesis of Afro-diasporic thought must include Haiti's Baron de Vastey.

The Haitian Revolution (1791-1804) was the first antislavery and anticolonial uprising led by New World Africans to create an independent and slavery-free nation-state. The momentousness of this thirteen-year-long war generated thousands of pages of writing. This anthology brings together for the first time a transnational and multilingual selection of literature about the revolution, from the beginnings of the conflicts that resulted in it to the end of the nineteenth century. With over two hundred excerpts from novels, poetry, and plays published between 1787 and 1900 and depicting a wide array of characters including, Anacaona, Makandal, Boukman, Toussaint Louverture, Jean-Jacques Dessalines, and Henry Christophe, this anthology provides the perfect classroom text for exploring this fascinating revolution, its principal actors, and the literature it inspired, while also providing a vital resource for specialists in the field. This landmark volume includes many celebrated authors--such as Alexandre Dumas, Victor Hugo, Heinrich von Kleist, Alphonse de Lamartine, William Wordsworth, Harriet Martineau, and William Edgar Easton--. Still, the editors also present here, for the first time, many less-well-known fictions by writers from across western Europe and both North and South America and nineteenth-century Haitian authors, refuting a widely accepted perception that Haitian representations of their revolution primarily emerged in the twentieth century. Each excerpt is introduced by contextualizing commentary designed to spark discussion about the ongoing legacy of slavery and colonialism in the Americas. Ultimately, the publication of this capacious body of literature that spans three continents offers students, scholars, and curious readers alike a unique glimpse into the tremendous global impact the Haitian Revolution had on the print culture of the Atlantic world. New World Studies.

Haiti, its revolution and its culture remain largely unknown or misunderstood in the English-speaking world. This collection of essays seeks to both elucidate aspects of Haitian history and culture and provoke interest in readers and scholars for further research in these fields. Several general guiding questions connect the essays: What were, what are the cultural repercussions of Haiti's revolution, in Haiti and elsewhere? What is the truth of Haiti, its history, its intellectual traditions, its culture? What role has culture played in shaping Haiti's history, and conversely, how has Haiti's history determined, inspired, liberated and restricted Haitian culture and thought? In a land that has constantly relived its past, how can we imagine a Haitian future? Can we rethink history and memory? Can an understanding of post-independence culture and thought point tentatively to a way out of the traps of the past, without effecting a counterproductive forgetting of the revolution? To these questions: the history of Haitian revolutionary universalism; the idea of the Caribbean's historical lack and its application to Haiti; the relationship between personal and political revolutions in Yanick Lahens's fiction; the attempt to write personal history in Edwidge Danticat's work; the role of Haiti and the revolution in forming ideas of race; the importance of the nineteenth-century Haitian intellectual Antenor Firmin in the development of the discipline of anthropology; the influence of St. Domingue refugees in the genesis of New Orleans jazz; the prevalence of the Haytian Fear narrative in nineteenth-century Trinidad; and the many and diverse post-independence representations of Toussaint Louverture. This book will be of interest to students and readers of Haitian literature, history and culture, as well as those interested in broader Caribbean studies, postcolonial studies and African-American studies.

Bringing together scholarly essays and helpfully annotated primary documents, African Americans and the Haitian Revolution collects not only the best recent scholarship on the subject, but also showcases the primary texts written by African Americans about the Haitian Revolution. Rather than being about the revolution itself, this collection attempts to show how the events in Haiti served to galvanize African Americans to think about themselves and to act in accordance with their beliefs, and contributes to the study of African Americans in the wider Atlantic World.

For some time, Haiti has been described as the poorest nation in the Western hemisphere. Its political upheavals are well known throughout the world and they attract a fair amount of press. Haiti was also one of the wealthiest colonies the world has ever seen and it has been said that up to 20% of France's wealth can be traced to Haiti. What caused Haiti to end up in this situation? Why can't Haitians fix their own country?

It is easy to blame Haitians for the country's failures but this would be a short-sighted approach. After its hard fought independence, Haiti had to take on the world leaders of the time who were determined to stifle the slave rebellion and whose rallying cry was that Haiti must fail. Hence, the US imposed an embargo, France demanded repayments for the land it lost (which took Haiti 150 years to repay), and Germany took over Haiti's trade for a time. Could any country survive this organized and sustained rape? While presenting a nuanced discussion of the situation, the author purposely refrains from providing a list of fixes because, ultimately, only Haitians can fix their country and, without a commonly accepted vision, no permanent progress will be made.

Although Haiti established its independence in 1804, external actors such as the United States, the United Nations, and non-profits have wielded considerable influence throughout its history. Especially in the aftermath of the Duvalier regime and the 2010 earthquake, continual imperial interventions have time and again threatened its sovereignty. Who Owns Haiti? explores the role of international actors in the country’s sovereign affairs while highlighting the ways in which Haitians continually enact their own independence on economic, political, and cultural levels. The contributing authors contemplate Haiti’s sovereign roots from a variety of disciplinary perspectives, including political science, anthropology, history, economics, and development studies. They also consider the assertions of sovereignty from historically marginalized urban and rural populations. This volume addresses how Haitian institutions, grassroots organizations, and individuals respond to and resist external influence. Examining how foreign actors encroach on Haitian autonomy and shape--or fail to shape—Haiti’s fortunes, it argues that varying discussions of ownership are central to Haiti’s future as a sovereign state.

While the Age of Revolution has long been associated with the French and American Revolutions, increasing attention is being paid to the Haitian Revolution as the third great event in the making of the modern world. A product of the only successful slave revolution in history, Haiti's Declaration of Independence in 1804 stands at a major turning point in the trajectory of social, economic, and political relations in the modern world. This declaration created the second independent country in the Americas and certified a new genre of political writing. Despite Haiti's global significance, however, scholars are only now beginning to understand the context, content, and implications of the Haitian Declaration of Independence. This collection represents the first in-depth, interdisciplinary, and integrated analysis by American, British, and Haitian scholars of the creation and dissemination of the document, its content and reception, and its legacy. Throughout, the contributors use newly discovered archival materials and innovative research methods to reframe the importance of Haiti within the Age of Revolution and to reinterpret the declaration as a founding document of the nineteenth-century Atlantic World. The authors offer new research about the key figures involved in the writing and styling of the document, its publication and dissemination, the significance of the declaration in the creation of a new nation-state, and its implications for neighboring islands. The contributors also use diverse sources to understand the lasting impact of the declaration on the country more broadly, its annual celebration and importance in the formation of a national identity, and its memory and celebration in Haitian Vodou song and ceremony. Taken together, these essays offer a clearer and more thorough understanding of the intricacies and complexities of the world's second declaration of independence to create a lasting nation-state.

With the Ta-Nehisi Coates-authored Black Panther comic book series (2016); recent films Django Unchained (2012) and The Birth of a Nation (2016); Nate Parker's cinematic imagining of the Nat Turner rebellion; and screen adaptations of Marvel's Luke Cage (2016) and Black Panther (2018); violent black redeemers have rarely been so present in mainstream Western culture. Grégory Pierrot argues, however, that the black avenger has always been with us: the trope has fired the news and imaginations of the United States and the larger Atlantic World for three centuries. The black avenger channeled fresh anxieties about slave uprisings and racial belonging occasioned by European colonization in the Americas. Even as he is portrayed as a heathen and a barbarian, his values--honor, loyalty, love--reflect his ties to the West. Yet being racially different, he cannot belong, and his qualities in turn make him an anomaly among black people. The black avenger is thus a liminal figure defining racial borders. Where his body lies, lies the color line. Regularly throughout the modern era and to this day, variations on the trope have contributed to defining race in the Atlantic World and thwarting the constitution of a black polity. Pierrot's The Black Avenger in Atlantic Culture studies this cultural history, examining a multicultural and cross-historical network of print material including fiction, drama, poetry, news, and historical writing as well as visual culture. It tracks the black avenger trope from its inception in the seventeenth century to the U.S. occupation of Haiti in 1915. Pierrot argues that this Western archetype plays an essential role in helping exclusive, hostile understandings of racial belonging become normalized in the collective consciousness of Atlantic nations. His study follows important articulations of the figure and how it has shifted based on historical and cultural contexts.

A passionate and insightful account by a leading historian of Haiti that traces the sources of the country's devastating present back to its turbulent and traumatic history Even before the 2010 earthquake destroyed much of the country, Haiti was known as a benighted place of poverty and corruption. Maligned and misunderstood, the nation has long been blamed by many for its own wretchedness. But as acclaimed historian Laurent Dubois makes clear, Haiti's troubled present can only be understood by examining its complex past. The country's difficulties are inextricably rooted in its founding revolution--the only successful slave revolt in the history of the world;the hostility that this rebellion generated among the colonial powers surrounding the island nation; and the intense struggle within Haiti itself to define its newfound freedom and realize its promise. Dubois vividly depicts the isolation and impoverishment that followed the 1804 uprising. He details how the crushing indemnity imposed by the former French rulers initiated a devastating cycle of debt, while frequent interventions by the United States--including a twenty-year military occupation--further undermined Haiti's independence. At the same time, Dubois shows, the internal debates about what Haiti should do with its hard-won liberty alienated the nation's leaders from the broader population, setting the stage for enduring political conflict. Yet as Dubois demonstrates, the Haitian people have never given up on their struggle for true democracy, creating a powerful culture insistent on autonomy and equality for all. Revealing what lies behind the familiar moniker of "the poorest nation in the Western Hemisphere," this indispensable book illuminates the foundations on which a new Haiti might yet emerge.

The Haitian Revolution was perhaps the most successful slave rebellion in modern history; it created the first and only free and independent Black nation in the Americas. This book tells the story of how enslaved Africans forcibly brought to colonial Haiti through the trans-Atlantic slave trade used their cultural and religious heritages, social networks, and labor and militaristic skills to survive horrific conditions. They built webs of networks between African and 'creole' runaways, slaves, and a small number of free people of color through rituals and marronnage - key aspects to building the racial solidarity that helped make the revolution successful. Analyzing underexplored archival sources and advertisements for fugitives from slavery, Crystal Eddins finds indications of collective consciousness and solidarity, unearthing patterns of resistance. Considering the importance of the Haitian Revolution and the growing scholarly interest in exploring it, Eddins fills an important gap in the existing literature.

In The Haitian Revolution, the Harlem Renaissance, and Caribbean Negritude: Overlapping Discourses of Freedom and Identity, Tammie Jenkins argues that the ideas of freedom and identity cultivated during the Haitian Revolution were reinvigorated in Harlem Renaissance texts and were instrumental in the development of Caribbean Negritude. Jenkins analyzes the precipitating events that contributed to the Haitian Revolution and connects them to Harlem Renaissance publications by Eric D. Walrond and Joel Augustus "J.A." Rogers. Jenkins traces these movements to Paris where black American expatriates, Harlem Renaissance members, and Francophones from Africa and the Caribbean met once a week at Le Salon Clamart to share their lived experiences with racism, oppression, and disenfranchisement in their home countries. Using these dialogical exchanges, Jenkins investigates how the Haitian Revolution and Harlem Renaissance tenets influence the modernization of Caribbean Negritude's development.

Out of a slave rebellion, Haiti was forged as an independent nation. In and of itself, this fact should have been enough to perpetuate an image of Haitians as strong and agentive people. But leaders of countries on both sides of the Atlantic felt threatened by Haiti's beginnings and intended to sap it of resources. More than a century of various restrictions on trade, the imposition of crippling fines, and, eventually, a US occupation followed. Yet even as they suffered economically under these penalties, Haitians persisted, some of them becoming influential actors in the world of global politics. Throughout much of the twentieth century and even to this day, there has been a shortage of scholarship on Haitians' intellectual and political contributions. In the Shadow of Powers, first published in 1985, was a corrective to this oversight and remains a foundational text. Bellegarde-Smith traces the history of Haiti through the life and career of his grandfather Dantès Bellegarde, one of Haiti's influential diplomats and preeminent thinkers. As Brandon R. Byrd describes in his foreword to this new edition, "Bellegarde was driven by a subversive, racially inclusive vision of civilized progress. He believed in and continued to push for Haiti to establish an existence for itself, black people, and the colonized world independent of the considerable shadow cast by the world's military, economic, and industrial powers." Scholars and students who want to learn about Haiti's intellectual and political foundations, its influence on other intellectuals worldwide, and its struggles against imperialism continue to find this to be an invaluable classic. [ HLAS contributor :Jorge Capetillo-Ponce]

After more than three decades, Julius Scott's widely influential dissertation was finally published in 2018. It set a precedent for the past two generations of scholars to understand the politics and organization of enslaved peoples in the Caribbean. Scott was one of the first scholars to articulate how the enslaved learned of news, spread information, and navigated complex political landscapes. Because the enslaved had a strong presence on ships, regularly carried news from multiple islands, read - or had read to them - newsprint, could sometimes operate as "masterless" people, and engaged in their forms of espionage, they were sophisticated political actors. Scott focuses, in particular, on the shock waves of the Haitian Revolution, and how it transformed enslaved people's sense of themselves throughout the Caribbean, and the possibilities for their emancipation. [ HLAS Contributor: Daniel E. Livesay]

Gathering oral histories and visual art from Haiti and two of its motherlands (Dahomey and Kongo) in Africa, this original work by Toni Pressley-Sannon recovers the submerged histories of the island through methods drawn from its spiritual and cultural traditions. The author employs three theoretical anchors to bring together parts of the African diaspora that became fractured due to the slave trade:(1)The Vodou concept of Marasa or twinned entities to approach the Haitian heritage from Dahomey.(2)Braithwaite's idea of tidalectics to look at the transatlantic cultural exchange.(3)The Kreyòl term Istwa is where memory and history intersect in a story.It is a nonlinear, creative, and powerful reflection on history and the stories we tell about ourselves. What was disconnected is now remembered using the tools and methodologies employed by Haitians themselves.[ HLAS Contributor: Jorge Capetillo-Ponce]

The author revisits the period of US occupation in Haiti, 1915-34, arguing that contrary to most views of Haiti as a submissive and dominated state at that time, Haitian elites were cosmopolitan, hoping to gain mutual advantages from the relationship with the US. Verna's work is one of many studies highlighting Haiti's gradual Americanization over the years, beginning with the occupation. [ HLAS Contributor: Jacqueline Anne Braveboy-Wagner]

This painstakingly researched archival study considers the role of the Haitian economy and diplomacy in securing a functional national sovereignty. The author effectively rejects the "Isolation Thesis" by showing the heavy involvement of Haitian leaders and merchants in the international arena, but not through traditional diplomatic history. Rather, the study recovers the activity of local leaders and ordinary individuals, Haitians and otherwise. Commerce and the production of staples for the Atlantic market are key to understanding the ways that Haitians used imperial limitations and colonial loopholes to survive in the midst of a hostile environment that denied them official recognition. [HLAS Contributor: Dennis Hidalgo]

The Haitian Revolution (1791-1804) was an event of monumental world-historical significance. Here, in the first systematic literary history of those events, Haiti's war of independence is examined through its actual and imagined eyes, participants, observers, survivors, and cultural descendants. The "transatlantic print culture" under discussion in this literary history reveals that enlightenment racial "science" was the primary vehicle through which the Haitian Revolution was interpreted by nineteenth-century Haitians, Europeans, and U.S. Americans alike. Through its author's contention that the Haitian revolutionary wars were incessantly racialized by four constantly recurring tropes - the "monstrous hybrid," the "tropical temptress," the "tragic mulatto/a", and the "colored historian" - Tropics of Haiti shows how the nineteenth-century tendency to understand Haiti's revolution in primarily racial terms has affected present-day demonizations of Haiti and Haitians. In the end, this new archive of Haitian revolutionary writing, much of which has until now remained unknown to the contemporary reading public, invites us to examine how nineteenth-century attempts to paint Haitian independence as the result of a racial revolution coincide with present-day desires to render insignificant and 'unthinkable' the second independent republic of the New World. [HLAS Contributor: Dennis Hidalgo]

This monograph seeks to integrate the histories of Jamaica and Haiti from the period after slavery and apprenticeship to the dawn of the First World War. Smith explores the shared experiences and social structures forged during the era of slavery to reveal divergent - yet similar - paths. Whereas Jamaica came under more intense metropolitan rule during the 19th century, Haiti fell under stronger foreign influence and meddling in its government. Both countries experienced a shared US intervention in the 20th century. Throughout this period, Jamaicans and Haitians frequently moved between the two locations, creating extended families in both nations and building shared ideologies and regional perspectives. [HLAS Contributor: Daniel Livesay]

This volume details the first slave rebellion to have a successful outcome, leading to the establishment of Haiti as a free black republic and paving the way for the emancipation of slaves in the rest of the French Empire and the world. Incited by the French Revolution, the enslaved inhabitants of the French Caribbean began a series of revolts, and in 1791 plantation workers in Haiti, then known as Saint-Domingue, overwhelmed their planter owners and began to take control of the island. They achieved emancipation in 1794, and after successfully opposing Napoleonic forces eight years later, emerged as part of an independent nation in 1804. A broad selection of documents, all newly translated by the authors, is contextualized by a thorough introduction considering the very latest scholarship. Laurent Dubois and John D. Garrigus clarify for students the complex political, economic, and racial issues surrounding the revolution and its reverberations worldwide. Useful pedagogical tools include maps, illustrations, a chronology, and a selected bibliography.